How did Joe Biden do it? It’s an astonishing feat. For the last three and a half years, the president has been telling us that this November’s election would be a referendum on Donald Trump’s fitness to be president.
No more.
For the past two weeks, Biden’s own eligibility has been the only story in town. On political website The Hill on Wednesday, nine of the top 12 stories were about Biden. And not in a good way, as you can tell from headlines that use words like “landslide victory” and “defeat.” The only story about Trump? “Mara Maples Open to Becoming Trump’s VP.”
In the space of 90 minutes two weeks ago, Biden managed to singlehandedly flip the American political landscape. This was supposed to be the decisive election in American history. Democracy would be at stake (and it probably will be), women’s reproductive rights would be threatened (and it is), and international alliances would be in jeopardy (it might be). Trump and the forces opposed to him would define the election. Pollsters, pundits, and politicians agreed that the anti-Trump coalition was the single issue that would galvanize and energize the race. Joe? Not really.
But no one is talking about Joe the convicted criminal, the coup leader, the liar. All eyes are on Joe. How did he pull it off?
Perhaps it was a mix of arrogance and stubbornness. The most revealing and disturbing part of his “in-depth” interview with ABC’s George Stephanopoulos last Friday was Biden’s response to the question, “Did you watch the debate afterward?” to which Biden replied, “I don’t think I did.”
What’s worse than not watching the debate is Biden saying this: He was not sure If he had watched the debate that followed, it would have been the most shocking act of self-immolation in American political history.
No further questions, Your Honor.
Instead of reaching out, Biden stepped back and hit hard. He targeted the “Democratic elites” and tied himself closely to a loyalist group of supporters. Divide and conquer. Wobbly Democrats have been outspoken in private but largely silent in public (for now).
Meanwhile, Trump was quietly going about his business: The new Trump 2.0, which really took off in a debate that eschewed nasty histrionics and outright ugliness (except for the lies, of course), continued to take shape.
Since last week, Trump and his aides have distanced themselves from Project 2025, which has been variously described as a road map for a Christian nationalist dictatorship or a “blueprint for a conservative takeover.” A proposal for a second term for Trump drafted by the right-wing Heritage Foundation, Project 2025 takes extreme positions on immigration, the rule of law, Christianity and regulatory institutions.
“I don’t know anything about Project 2025. I don’t know who’s behind it,” Trump said last week. This is odd, given that a team of Trump’s former advisers and aides helped create the 900-plus page document. Oh, and a spokesman for Trump’s campaign appeared in one of their recruitment videos.
And yesterday, at President Trump’s urging, the Republican National Committee adopted a less extreme position on abortion: opposing a federal abortion ban. This is the first time in 40 years that the RNC platform has not included a national abortion ban.
It had the desired effect. The New York Times The headline was, “Following President Trump, Republicans adopt policies to soften abortion stance.” The Washington Post “Republicans adopt policies to soften language on abortion and same-sex marriage” it is Rolling Stone To point out the obvious, ““Republicans are hiding an extreme anti-abortion agenda to get Trump elected.”
And over the weekend, Trump’s running mate, Marco Rubio, appeared on CNN’s Trade Union Status This is also odd, given that in an interview last month, Trump told television host Phil McGraw: Dr. PhilRevenge is “justified”
“Revenge does take time. And sometimes revenge is justified, Phil, let me be honest with you. Sometimes it is justified,” Trump said.
But it’s working. Under the guidance of his senior campaign managers, Trump is being remade to look less chaotic, more theatrical and less malevolent. Trump and his campaign managers have been successful in making him appear more calm and moderate.
And in another uncharacteristic move, since the debate Trump has largely avoided challenging Biden, ceding the spotlight to his rival. This time around, Trump seems content to play the supporting role, literally watching the star get his lines wrong.
John Mulholland is the former editor-in-chief of The Guardian US.
